Alyssa’s Law is named for Alyssa Alhadeff, a 14-year-old killed in the 2018 Parkland shooting. Her mother, Lori Alhadeff, turned that loss into a legislative campaign that has spread fast: New Jersey passed the first version in 2019, and by 2026 some form of it is law in roughly sixteen states. The idea is simple — a silent alert from a badge, app, or button goes straight to 911 with a location, no phone call needed. It’s a good idea. The problem isn’t the technology. It’s that most states are mandating it without paying for it.
What the Evidence Says
No peer-reviewed study shows Alyssa’s Law reduces school shootings or casualties, and that’s not really a knock on the law. School shootings are rare, no two are alike, you can’t randomize which schools get panic buttons, and schools that adopt one security measure usually adopt several at once, making it nearly impossible to isolate any single effect.
The logic, faster notification, faster response, better outcomes, is reasonable and matches general emergency-response research. But that research isn’t specific to school shootings, and the same evidence gap runs through school safety policy generally: the largest systematic review of school-based law enforcement found little evidence that officers in schools reduce violence, even though they change perceptions of safety. Plausible isn’t proven.
That makes Alyssa’s Law a response tool, not a prevention strategy, and legislators who sell it as the latter are overselling it. The strongest evidence for actually reducing violence points to prevention: a randomized trial of the “Say Something” anonymous reporting system, run across 19 Miami-Dade middle schools, cut violent incidents by 13.5 percent. That’s the kind of evidence Alyssa’s Law doesn’t have.
The Part Legislators Leave Out
Here’s where it becomes a policy failure, not just a research gap: most states mandate this technology without funding it.
A leading vendor’s system runs about $8,000 per school per year, before the Wi-Fi and network upgrades many older buildings need first. That’s a recurring cost, not a one-time purchase.
Some states fund it seriously: Georgia’s 2025 law averages $41,000 per school; Utah backed its mandate with $100 million upfront plus ongoing support; Texas put $17.1 million behind its grant program. Florida, where the mandate originated, caps reimbursement at about $2,000 per campus, a number set in 2020 that hasn’t moved since, even as real costs climbed past it. The federal COPS grant helps some districts, but covers at most 75 percent, competitively, leaving the rest on the district regardless.
That’s the textbook unfunded mandate: legislators get credit for “doing something,” and school boards get the bill. And the bill doesn’t land evenly; a wealthy district absorbs a six-figure line item; a poor one pulls it from somewhere already underfunded. A law meant to protect every student equally ends up producing unequal protection, because compliance quality tracks property-tax wealth, not risk.
What Should Happen Instead…
This isn’t an argument against panic alarms. It’s an argument against mandating them and calling it done. Fund the requirement at real cost and update that number over time. Let districts choose the vendor and approach that fits their buildings and budget. And since every state doing this is running an uncontrolled national experiment, require data collection on notification times, response times, and outcomes, so that in five years there is more than vendor testimonials to point to.
Above all, don’t let a response tool substitute for a prevention strategy. Panic alarms can get help there faster once something is happening. They do nothing to stop it from happening. Money spent closing funding gaps on an unproven mandate would do more good split between fully funding it and investing in what’s actually been tested, threat assessment, anonymous reporting, mental health support.
Good intentions got Alyssa’s Law passed in sixteen states. Good policy would fund it.
Sources: Michigan State University / Journal of School Violence, “Perceptions of School Resource Officers” (2023); systematic review of school-based law enforcement strategies, PMC (2023); “The Effectiveness of the Say Something Anonymous Reporting System in Preventing School Violence: A Cluster Randomized Control Trial in 19 Middle Schools,” Journal of School Violence (2022); state legislative and funding summaries via Security Industry Association, IntelliSee Legislation Tracker, and GetSafeAndSound compliance guides (2025–2026).
Have Questions? Want Help Making Your School Safer?
Alyssa’s Law is the right idea — but getting it right at your school takes more than checking a compliance box. If you’re a school leader, board member, or parent trying to figure out what real, sustainable school safety funding and planning looks like, I want to hear from you.
